Industrial revolutionSeveral influences came together at the same time to revolutionise Britain's industry: money, labor, a greater demand for goods, new power, and better transport. By the end of the eighteenth century, some families had made huge private fortunes. Growing merchant banks helped put this money to use. Increased food production made it possible to feed large populations in the new towns. These populations were made up of the people who had lost their land through enclosures and were looking for work. They now needed to buy things they had never needed before. In the old days people in the villages had grown their own food, made many of their own clothes and generally managed without having to buy very much. As landless workers these people had to buy food, clothing and everything else they needed. This created an opportunity to make and sell more goods than ever before. The same landless people who needed these things also became the workers who made them. By the early eighteenth century simple machines had already been invented for basic jobs. They could make large quantities of simple goods quickly and cheaply so that "mass production" became possible for the first time. Each machine carried out one simple process, which introduced the idea of "division of labour" among workers. This was to become an important part of the industrial revolution. By the 1740s the main problem holding back industrial growth was fuel. There was less wood, and in any case wood could not produce the heat necessary to make iron and steel either in large quantities or of high quality. But at this time the use of coal for changing iron ore into good quality iron or steel was perfected, and this made Britain the leading iron producer in Europe. This happened only just in time for the many wars in which Britain was to fight, mainly against France, for the rest of the century. The demand for coal grew very quickly. In 1800 Britain was producing four times as much coal as it had done in 1700, and eight times as much iron.
Вариант контрольной работы №1 Задание 1 Перепишите предложения. Поставьте пропущенные притяжательные местоимения (my, his, their etc.) 1. Ann and … husband Bill moved to Dallas. … home is not far from the city center. 2. They like … new wonderful yard. 3. Patric and … sister Rachel are having a nice party. Mary has invited most of … friends and … boyfriend Jim. …parents are so glad to see him. Задание 2 Перепишите следующие предложения. Укажите видо - временную форму глагола – сказуемого. Предложения переведите. 1. They left for Moscow, when he was 9 years of age. 2. I’m sure he will be all right after the operation. 3. Thomas plays computer games everyday. He is crazy about them. 4. We always spend our summer holidays in the Crimea. 5. I had breakfast at 7 a.m. yesterday. Задание 3 Напишите степени сравнения следующих прилагательных: Good, terrible, beautiful, bad, wide, narrow, easy, thankful, far, near, light, heavy. Ответ:
Задание 4 Переведите следующие предложения на русский язык. 1. There is a china restaurant near the office. They serve delicious food. 2. There are 45 pages in this book. 3. There is a fireplace in our summer house. 4. There is very little butter in the fridge. Shall I buy some? Задание 5 Поставьте в следующих предложениях вместо пропусков неопределенные местоимения: some or any 1. Please don’t hurry. We have … time. 2. Have you got … ideas about our future trip? 3. We have … bread and that’s enough for dinner. 4. I don’t like … Japanese actors. Задание 6 Заполните пропуски определенным или неопределенным артиклем. 1. This is … wonderful flower. … flower smells great. 2. That is … old house. … house was built in 1890 3. … sun is shining brightly. … weather is very nice today. 4. Look at … sky. It’s so blue. There are no clouds. Задание 7 Переведите следующие предложения, обращая внимание на местоимение it. 1. It is 9 p.m. I must go home. I have a lot of work to do. 2. Is it Saturday today? – Yes, it is. Today is my sister’s birthday. 3. It is cold in the room. Please switch on the heating. 4. This film is very exciting. It is about love and romance. Задание 8 Поставьте в пропуске модальные глаголы can must или could. 1. I must not speak English, when I was a child. Now I … speak English, French, and German. 2. My brother … run very fast when he was a schoolboy. 3. He … work hard at his dissertation if he wants to get a degree. 4. Children … not play with matches, it’s dangerous. Задание 9 Прочтите текст и переведите его устно. Затем перепишите и переведите заглавие и абзацы 1, 4, 6. Britain: past, present and future By the late 1980s most British people felt that the future was full of uncertainty. These doubts resulted from disappointment with lost economic and political power. Many people looked back to the "Swinging Sixties" as the best ten years Britain had had this century. However, people were divided concerning the nation's future possibilities. Some, those who had voted for Thatcher, were optimistic. They believed that material wealth was vital for national renewal, and that economic success was about to happen. Others were unhappy with the direction the nation was taking. They believed that the emphasis on material wealth encouraged selfishness, and a retreat from an ideal of community to a desire for personal gain. They were worried by the weakening of the welfare state, particularly in the educational and health services. The government said much about maintaining "traditional values", particularly law and order. Respect for the law, it argued, was rooted in British tradition. It also spoke of a return to Victorian values. On the other hand, its opponents argued that the tradition of broad popular agreement on the management of the nation's affairs was in grave danger. Neither side was wholly right in its claim. For example, the Conservative argument forgot that in the past, the law had been frequently broken not only by criminals but also by those for whom it was oppressive, like the Tolpuddle Martyrs. It forgot, too, that the Victorians had valued not only enterprise and hard work but had also cared about social reform to assist the weaker members of society. In the same way, when Labour accused the Conservatives of putting broad national agreement in danger, it forgot that its own party origins lay with the radicals who stood against accepted national political practice. But such awkward facts were easily placed on one side, and the political parties appealed to "history", as this fitted their view of modern Britain and the glorious future they offered if the people supported them. There was nothing new in this. People have always looked at history in the way that suited their system of beliefs. In 1988 Britain celebrated two major anniversaries, the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588, and the Glorious Revolution in 1688. One was about Britain's successful military and foreign policy, the other about its successful constitutional development. The popular view is that both were truly glorious events. However, the truth is less simple. The Spanish Armada was defeated more by the weather than by the English navy, the Spanish navy became stronger rather than weaker after 1588, and the war with Spain seriously damaged the economy of England. Nevertheless, the defeat of the Armada has remained a symbol of Britain's seafaring success. It was given particular importance in the late nineteenth century, when British world' wide command of the seas was at its height. By 1988 it was harder to think in the same way, because British foreign policy had shrunk in recent years, with a decline in its interests beyond Europe and the United States. There was also something slightly uncomfortable about celebration of the Glorious Revolution. The Glorious Revolution was about the sovereignty of Parliament in the nation's affairs. But not everyone was happy with parliamentary life by 1988. Was its constituency system truly democratic? Was Parliament itself too powerful? There was another reason for discomfort. The Glorious Revolution had been a disaster for Ireland. In 1988 there was a reminder of this side of Britain's history in the conflict in Northern Ireland, where even the Protestant "Loyalists" were unhappy with rule by the Westminster Parliament. In Scotland, Wales, and parts of England, too, there were people who disliked the centralized power of Westminster, which had increased in the Thatcher years.
Перевод текста: К концу 1980 года большинство британцев считали, что будущее полно неопределенности. Эти сомнения привели к разочарованию экономической и политической властью. Многие люди снова взглянули на «безбашенные / лихие» шестидесятые, как на лучшее десятилетие Великобритании в этом столетии. Тем не менее, люди были разделены относительно будущих возможностей страны. Некоторые из них, кто голосовал за Маргарет Тэтчер, были оптимистичными. Они считали, что материальное богатство имеет жизненно важно значение для национального возрождения, что приведет к экономическому успеху. Другие были недовольны принимаемым направлением нации. Они считали, что материальное богатство поощряется эгоизмом, отсутствием идеала сообщества в угоду личной выгоды. Они были обеспокоены ослаблением всеобщего благосостояния государства, образовательных и медицинских услуг. Правительство много говорило о сохранении «традиционных ценностей», в частности законности и порядка. Уважение законов было в корне британской традиции. Оно говорило о возвращении викторианских ценностей, а с другой стороны его противники утверждали, что традиция широкого народного соглашения управления делами страны была в серьезной опасности. Ни одна из сторон не была права в своем требовании. Например, забыли консервативный аргумент, что в прошлом закон нарушали не только преступники, но и те, для кого это было тяжело, как, например, для мучеников из Толпадле. Они забыли также, что в викторианскую эпоху ценили не только предприятия и тяжелую труд, но и заботились о социальной реформе, для помощи более слабым слоям общества. Таким образом, лейбористская партия обвиняла консерваторов в постановке в опасности широкого национального согласия, о том, что те забыли собственные радикальные истоки, выступления против принятых национальных и политических практик. Такие неловкие факты находились с одной стороны. И политические партии обратились к истории, как это с их точки зрения отвечало современной Великобритании и славному будущему при поддержке людей. Ничего существенного в этом нет. Люди всегда оценивали историю исходя из собственной системы убеждений. В 1988 году Великобритания отметила два крупных юбилея: поражение испанской Армады в 1588 году и Славной революции в 1688 году. Один из них был об успешной военной и внешней политике Великобритании, другой об успешном конституционном развитии. Популярна точка зрения, что оба были по-настоящему славными событиями. Испанская Армада была побеждена благодаря погодным условиям, нежели английским флотом. Испанский флот стал сильнее, а не слабее после 1588 года, и война с Испанией серьезно повредила экономику Англии. Тем не менее, поражение Армады стало символом успеха мореплавания Великобритании. Она имела особое значение в конце девятнадцатого века. В 1988 году это трудно было представить, так как британская внешняя политика сократилась в последние годы, упали её интересы за пределами Европы и в Соединенных Штатах. Существовало некая неловкость в праздновании Славной революции. Славная революция установила верховенство парламента в делах страны. Не все были довольны парламентской жизнью в 1988 году. Действительно ли избирательная система была демократической? Был ли сам парламент силен? Была и ещё одна причина дискомфорта -Славная революция была катастрофой для Ирландии. 1988 год был напоминанием об этой стороне истории-конфликта Британии и Северной Ирландии, где протестантские «лоялисты» выражали недовольство правлением Вестминстерского парламента. В Шотландии, Уэльсе и других частях Англии были люди, которым нравилась централизованная власть Вестминстера, которая укрепилась за годы правления Маргарет Тэтчер.
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