IV. FINDINGS

In this section, results for the survey will be described and responses to specific questions will be given particular attention. The questions that will receive more attention are the ones that are most relevant to the question of whether the Mordvin languages can be saved as they focus on the opinions of the people, the power of the Russian language, and the people’s view on using education to expand the usage of Erzya and Moksha.

According to the results of the survey, the majority of respondents appeared to be in favor of the Mordvin languages being saved and/or gave positive answers regarding their future prospects. An example of this can be seen in the results of question 10 (Do you believe Erzya and Moksha can be saved from extinction?), which is displayed in Figure 2, where most respondents selected options that expressed either optimism or neutrality. Moreover, only three respondents answered negatively and two of these respondents were ethnic Russian (the other one a Mokshan) and the fact that many ethnic Russians answered in a positive sense directly contrasts sources that imply that these languages are usually avoided by non-Erzyans and non-Mokshans (Khromovа, Mityakina, 2013; Sanukov, 1993).

Another observation that can be made is that the vast majority of the respondents are fluent in Russian (Figure 3). While this is to be expected, considering the targeted groups, it should be noted that many of the “Other Uralic” respondents do not know Russian at all and this indicates that the predominance of Russian only effects Uralic nations that are still under Russian administration (as most of the “Other Uralic” respondents were Hungarian or Estonian, nations who were taught Russian in school as a mandatory subject for decades but are now no longer obligated to know Russian). This also shows that a nation once under Russian domination could experience a decrease in the share of Russophones in a span of time as short as two decades (as Hungary and Estonia have been outside of the Eastern Bloc since the 1990s).

Another noteworthy observation that can be made from the survey results is numbers gathered for responses to question eight (In the event the presence of Erzya and Moksha is increased in schools in Mordovia, should learning these languages be made mandatory?) which is displayed in Figure 4. The majority of respondents declared in their responses that they were in favor of Erzya and Moksha being made mandatory in schools for Erzyans and Mokshans themselves (roughly half of these respondents also supported the idea that in it should be made available as an elective for non-Erzyans and non-Mokshans). The option of having the languages be available only as electives was also popular. The option of making the languages mandatory for all students in Mordovia or all non-Russian students was surprisingly unpopular.

Other observations that can be made from the survey results include the relatively large number of Erzyans and Mokshans who answered that they have knowledge of their native language (only five answered that they didn’t know Erzyan or Mokshan). Moreover, Erzyan respondents were more numerous than Mokshans and also more likely to answer that they were proficient in Erzya as well as more likely to support the mandatory teaching of Erzyan and Mokshan in schools in Mordovia.

Overall, from these results we can observe that the Mordvin languages may be in a more optimistic situation than previously thought.

V. DISCUSSION

Overall, the results contrast with academic reports that imply that the languages are disappearing relatively quickly (Kreindler, 1985; Tishkov, 2004) and also offer hope that they could be saved. This may be due to the fact that many Uralic peoples and non-Russian post-USSR minorities have themselves experienced (or currently experience) Russification and as a result, feel more sympathy towards the plight of the Mordvin languages (the fact that many respondents in the “Other Uralic” category had hopes that the languages could be saved is possibly a demonstration of international Uralic solidarity). One surprising finding was that Russians—the group directly responsible for the attrition of the Mordvin languages—responded in a largely supportive manner and that one of them was even willing to learn Erzya or Moksha.
While the majority of the respondents were in favor of making the Mordvin languages mandatory, most of the respondents favored making them mandatory only for Erzyans and Mokshans and either unavailable or available as an elective for others. This may be an indication that the people believe that education that focuses on teaching the local languages really can make a difference and that it could improve the situation in Mordovia as it did for Kalmykia (Kornoussova, 2001). However, the fact that most answers were in favor of making the languages required only for students of the local nation may indicate that, from the view of Russians and even some Erzyans and Mokshans, the Mordvinic languages are of low prestige. Zamyatin (2014) notes that this is one of the main reasons for their decline and is also a reason that non-Erzyans and non-Mokshans are generally unwilling to learn the local languages. Nonetheless, the fact that most respondents still chose making Erzyan and Mokshan mandatory for Erzyans and Mokshans rather than making the languages only available as an elective may demonstrate that attitudes are changing.

Interestingly, among the Mordvinic peoples who responded, Erzyans as a whole were far more supportive of the Mordvinic languages, more optimistic about their future prospects, and more likely to have answered that they were brought up speaking Erzya (and also more likely to support mandatory teaching of Erzya and Moksha in schools). This may be due to the fact that they have more speakers than the Moksha and have several figures spearheading the revival of the Erzyan Mastor (Erzya traditional religion) (Erzyan Mastor, 2008) and have more literature and websites using their language than Moksha. The Mokshan respondents, on the other hand, were far more likely to be Russified and a many answered that they were brought up speaking Russian and a few answered that they couldn't speak Mokshan at all (although these respondents usually declared their interest in learning Mokshan). The Mokshans in general had responses that were far less enthusiastic about the Mordvin languages' promotion in education or even their prospects of being saved from extinction. Moreover, at least three times as many Erzyans answered the survey, likely due to the fact that their population is 1.5 times larger than the Moksha. These results indicate that Erzya are much more likely to survive than the Moksha and are more likely to carry on the language.
Despite the results implying that Erzya is better preserved both linguistically and culturally than Moksha, there may also be evidence that Moksha is vigorous as well. Estonian witness Timo Kalmu, a graduate of the Estonian Academy of Music and Theatre who served as an assistant to Professor Žanna Pärtlas of the aforementioned university during a recent trip to Mordovia, has generously provided this account:
“I just returned from Mordovia and my experience is a bit different. We were recording ancient polyphonic singing in ethnic villages, thus the villages, where it was preserved might have been in a bit extraordinary condition. We met people of 3 Mokshan village: Staraya Terizmorg, Levzha, and Ogaryovo and several Erzyan villages: Dubyenki, Povodimovo, Chindyarnovo, Ardatovo, Morga, Podlyesnal Tavla, Muran’... The least Russified Erzyan villages (in my opinion) were Chindyarnovo and Morga. There we could see considerably young people singing old songs and speaking Erzya to their kids. Usually, they told that "of course" they don’t speak nor sing in Mordovian to kids as if it was an antipatriotic sin. Even the oldest ladies of Muran’ answered in a weird 50%-50% mixed language to students of Saransk, who interviewed them in Erzyan. This was the most surprising case, because usually population above 40ies spoke quite good Erzyan. In contrast in every Mokshan village (of 3), where we went, their language and singing was astonishing well preserved even among few kids, whom we met. I also met some young Erzyan and Mokshan activists in Saransk. I did not encounter any hostility from Russians (in a bank), who were addressed in Erzyan, by those activists. Russians usually did not speak Mordovian languages, but had still some knowledge about it. It seemed, that aboriginal cultures are valued for regional identity. Many students and researchers of ethnic singing, whom I met, had Russian ancestry. If I dare generalize my brief encounter with Mordovians, I would say that Erzyans were more aware about their nationalism, even though we were often told how good friends they are with Russians. Mokshans never told such words, but they seemed to have accepted being Mokshans as a part of population of Russia (as it is usual among aboriginals of China and Mexico). In general Mokshan culture seemed more vivid and better preserved for me.”

Kalmu’s account, taken into consideration with the results of the survey, indicates that both Mordvin languages are well preserved and that—at least in the short term—they have good future prospects for survival. Additionally, Kalmu’s account may be a sign that recent attitudes in Mordovia may be changing. As the mayor of the Mordovian capital Saransk recently suggested that Erzya and Moksha be taught in more schools (Finugor, 2014), this, along with Kalmu’s account and the relatively positive responses given by Erzyans and Mokshans, may signify that the Mordvin languages are experiencing a revival.

Regarding the use of education in general to preserve the Mordvin languages, because the languages themselves are seemingly maintained among many Erzyans and Mokshans for the moment, it can be ultimately concluded that with some encouragement and teaching, the Mordvin languages can be kept alive indefinitely. If the government of Mordovia actually implements policies and laws that reflect the official status the two local languages have (which, according to Zamyatin, already makes the languages symbols of identity) and also if Kalmykia-style education policies described by Kornoussova (2001) are implemented, there will definitely be a future for Erzya and Moksha.