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1. Out into the street, out of the house with the grey facade and the railings mouldered at the bottom, to see the blackened tree raise into the grey sky its twisting arms, and the People moving down the pavement. Out of this and out of that. Out of wine bar and home-cellar,


out of alley and courtyard, leaving the door open. There were more to come, always more to come. Out onto the street, grumbling, hunch shoulders a moment and look up into the sky; look round and smile. So you're there too? And you? All the old familiar faces, and the unfamiliar ones too. Shuffie shuffle. There'll be tramp tramp soon. Funny meeting you. Where are you going? Have a guess. Have a drink. There's lots of time. The grey morning opens spaciously. The dog goes scampering down the street, with the rugged children after him. We're all going the same way. (J. Lindsay, Men of 48) 2. I want to throw out to the Foreign Secretary a challenge I have made before. It is that every volunteer in Spain is a volunteer in the real sense of the word and is under the control of no Government other than the Spanish Government. Does he deny that? Does he know then that the Italian divisions in Spain do not belong to Franco but are under the control of the Italian Government? They are officered by Italian Generals. Does he know that? The German soldiers in Spain and the German airmen do not belong to Franco. The German and Italian aeroplanes do not belong to Franco. They belong to Germany and Italy respectively. Does the Foreign Secretary deny that? (W. Gallacher, Speeches in Parliament 1937-38)*

3. I have seen many other cases of that sort, and I do ask the Home Secretary that in putting up these new prison buildings he should not only consider the young, . who are important and must be considered, because their lives are all before them, but that he should do away with anything that could impose upon men, especially old men, any unnecessary suffering such as that to which I have referred. I would again ask the Home Secretary to look into this question of the silent, dark cell. It is a terrible thing for any man, and before anyone condemns anyone else to the silent cell, he ought to be locked up himself in a silent cell for a week, and then he would understand what it means. I do ask the Home Secretary to look into these matters.

* 2 9 . .


4. ... But are you going to tell me that the National Gov
ernment, with all its pro-Fascist sympathies, wants an
Army to defend the working class of this country? No;
you are destroying the working 'class of this country.
Is not the population going down all the time? (Laugh
ter)
Is that something to laugh at? What is the cause
of it? Look at your derelict areas. Who destroyed those
areas? How is it that you have so many miners killed?
Is that something to laugh about? There were over
11,000 killed in 10 years, and over 100,000 injured.
Even supporters of the Government got up the other
night to paint the most gloomy picture, saying that if
things went on as they are going on now there would,
in a matter of 30 years, be catastrophe in this country
from the point of view of its population. Who is doing
it? The monopoly capitalists, who are concentrating on
getting profit. They are destroying industry, destroying
towns and villages, destroying the lives of men and
women.

5. I ask the Members of this House to realise the serious
ness of the situation. The road which is being pursued
is a road leading to war and to destruction. That road
has got to be blocked, and blocked for ever. We have
got to cut out a new path towards collective security,
a path which will lead to the continuation of peace and
lead to progress, which can only be associated with
peace.

6. Are you prepared to put the fate of this country in the
trust of other countries? That is the question. Can you
dare to refuse to put the fate of this country in the
trust of other countries? But the question arises, "Can
you trust other countries, and can you get other coun
tries to trust you?" I am certain there is not a Govern
ment in Europe which would trust this Government.
You could never make collective security under this
Government, which does not want it. Its whole policy
has been to assist and maintain reaction in Europe, to
assist Hitler, to assist Mussolini, to assist Franco.

7. I have listened to the attempts being made to put a
case for the Monarchy. The Home Secretary says that
it is an idea deeply cherished. He ought to have said
"an idea deeply cultivated". I will confound the Home
Secretary, and I will confound every supporter in this


House out of the mouth of the principal spokesman. The right hon. Member for West Birmingham (Sir A. Chamberlain) states here that he represents a poor constituency, with poor streets, awful houses, terrible poverty, suffering and hardships, these people living in wretched unhygienic houses, no clothes, no sufficiency of food, part of them broken he had the audacity to tell us that they look upon the Monarch as their guardian. Guardian of what? Guardian of their poverty; guardian of their suffering.

8. We invite those of you who are prepared to put serv
ice to a great cause before blind leadership of mis
erable pygmies who are giving a pitiful exhibition by
masquerading as giants, to put first service to a great
cause, not to a National Government such as is present
ed before us, but to a Labour Government drawing
towards itself all the very best and most active and
progressive elements from all parties and constituting
itself, as a consequence, a real people's Government
concerned with the complete reconstruction of this
country, with genuine co-operation with the other peace
nations for preserving world peace, and a Government
that follows the road of peace and progress. I make an
appeal even while I give a warning. Do not try to stop
us on the road along which we are travelling. Do not
try to block the road by the meshes of legal entangle
ments or by fascist methods. Do not try lest an evil
day come upon you and you have to pay a price far
beyond any present reckoning.

9. We have already been told by this Government that
we have either to give up our policy or to give up the
Government. Intimidation of that kind should never be
tolerated, and I am certain that to-night the Members
of this House would vote against the Government,
would vote against the pitiful example of leadership
which we have had from the Minister of Labour, except
that they are afraid that if the Government go, there
will be a slaughter, not of the innocents, but of the
guilty. It is the one thing that is in the minds of hon.
Members opposite, but I ask them to face the possibili
ty of such a slaughter. It is better that hon. Members
opposite should be slaughtered than that the men, wom
en, and children who have been thrown out of em-


ployment by the decay of capitalism should be kept continually in the condition in which they find themselves now. To every penny of this money the unemployed are entitled. It was raised for that purpose. Let this House decide that for that purpose it shall go. 10. Were not the people of Ireland born as free as those of England? How have they forfeited their freedom? Is not their Parliament as fair a representative of the people as that of England? And hath not their Privy Council as great or a greater share in the administration of public affairs? Are they not subjects of the same King? Does not the same sun shine on them? And have they not the same God for their protector? Am I a free man in England and do I become a slave in six hours by crossing the Channel? (J. Swift, The Drapier's Letters)


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